Showing posts with label China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label China. Show all posts

Sunday, February 14, 2016

15 Things about Vietnam #16 - The Vietnamese Language


You've probably heard round about, if you've been thinking of making a trip to Vietnam, that the Vietnamese language is 16 times more difficult to learn than French or Spanish. That, ladies and gentlemen, is the bad news.

The good news is - if you do end up learning Vietnamese and taking what you learn to Vietnam to try out on the locals, then you are guaranteed to get a very positive reception, even if, objectively speaking, your Vietnamese is atrocious, because the Vietnamese have pretty much exactly the opposite attitude to foreigners speaking their language to the French. Go to France and try to speak French and, even if you're nearly perfect, the majority of Frenchies will look at you as if you're a malodorous linguistic butcher. Go to Vietnam and string together half a comprehensible sentence and normal people will be moved to tears.

Today's entry is designed to give you some entry-level linguistic facts about Vietnamese that it would be foolish to ignore: facts you can proudly take with you to Vietnam, even if you don't end up learning Vietnamese or using your Vietnamese language skills to please and confuse native speakers.

The basic message is - there are two things that will really get to you in trying to learn Vietnamese: the tones and the pronouns. As you've maybe already heard, Vietnamese is a tonal language; all the hats and squiggles over the letters indicate little things you have to do with your voice in order to pronounce things properly - indeed to create meaningful sentences in the first place.


As you maybe didn't know, Vietnamese pronouns change constantly depending on the age and status of the person you're talking to. And we're not talking here about a simple switch between familiar and formal modes of address. We are talking about a five year difference in age between you and the person you're talking to demanding a whole different set of words for "I" and "you" (he, she, it, etc).

Let me assure you, these two things will keep on giving you pain, even if you get quite good at Vietnamese. So let's start with them and move on to some of the higher-level cultural issues to do with Vietnamese as a language.

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FACT NO. 1. VIETNAMESE IS A TONAL LANGUAGE

That means you have to do something special with your voice, and, at a more basic level, with the supporting brainbox, with every word you speak. If you grew up in middle Australia like me, then you know, or ought to know, what rising intonation is – it’s what most Australian women do at the end of every sentence that comes out of their mouths. In Vietnamese, that’s what you have to do with a lot of individual words – plus 4 – 5 other things indicated by lines, dots and squiggles, thusly:

flat tone (no tone): ma
rising tone (straight up): má
falling tone (straight down): mà
low rising tone (down then up): mả
high rising tone (up then twist): mã
low falling tone (down then stop short): mạ

 
And those are just the pronunciation issues. The bad news is, though the sound of the six worlds you see above is very similar, the meaning is completely different:

ma – ghost
má – cheek
mà – but
mả - grave
mã – horse, appearance
mạ – rice-seedling, mum

 

Whether you go up or down with your voice, as in the case of the rising and falling tone, give a word a questioning tilt (low rising), cut it off short and low (low falling), give it a high-pitched squeeze (high rising) or do nothing at all (flat tone), makes a huge difference to what your saying in Vietnamese. Put simply, the general idea is: different tones give different meanings.

But the practical implication of the general idea is: unless you’re careful, you are going to end up calling someone’s mother a ghost or a horse. Or a grave. (The whole concept of a Freudian slip acquires a new meaning in Vietnamese.)

Imagine listening to a continuous flow of such words, where every single word could go one of six ways, completely changing the meaning of the word and the surrounding sentence, and you have an idea of the difficulty of Vietnamese.

Before you cancel your enrolment at evening school, let me just say the possibilities of misunderstanding start off seeming infinite, but after a while come to seem manageable. You’ll do just fine if you accept that you will start by making many many mistakes. Which your Vietnamese friends will probably find cute and forgive you for immediately.

For example, I once called two friends of my landlord, whose real names are Bích and Loan, “Bịch” and “Loạn” within the space of five minutes. Bích (rising tone) and Loan (flat tone) are actually quite beautiful names in Vietnamese – “Bích” means jade and “Loan” means a female phoenix. Or that’s what they mean if you get the tones right. If you get the tones wrong, as I did, it’s another story. “Bịch” (low falling tone) means “plastic bag” and “Loạn” (low falling tone) means “disaster”. 


Calling two attractive women you’ve just met Plastic Bag and Disaster Zone is not starting off on the right foot.

Luckily for me, Loan (the really attractive one) took the whole thing well.

Bích on the other hand let out a piercing scream. . .


2. THERE IS NO WORD FOR “I” IN VIETNAMESE

This is not quite true. In reality there are dozens of words for “I”. The problem is that there is no single, dependable word for “I”.

The words for “I” and“you” depend on who you’re talking to. In particular, they depend on the age of the person you’re talking to and the sort of relationship you have with him/her.
For example, when talking to a man who’s older than you by a decent margin, say more than 5 years, you call yourself “em” (I, younger brother) and you call him “anh” (you, older brother) – the word for younger brother becomes the word for “I”. Likewise, when talking to an older woman, you call yourself “em” (I, younger brother) and her “chị” (you, older sister).

But if you are talking to a younger guy, you call yourself older brother (anh) and you call him younger brother (em), as you do when talking to a younger woman.

You address a child as “con” (child/kid) – in this case “con” means “you (the kiddy one)”. If you’re older than 20, the word the kid will use for “you” when talking back to you will be one of the words for uncle or aunt.

On the other hand, if you’re addressing someone’s grandpa, you call yourself “con” (I, the child) and you call him “ông” (you, respected Mr).

That may sound a little bit hairy, but it gets hairier. Much hairier.

A woman who is a bit older than you and is married you would call “chị” (you, older sister).

But if you don’t know her marital status, you might want to call her “cô” (you, miss).

If she is old enough to be your grandma, you could call her “bà” (you, respected older Mrs), which implies considerable deference – the deference due to age in all Chinese-influenced cultures. But if she is somewhere between your mother’s age and your grandma’s age, then “bác” (respected general older person) would be the better term of address.

When meeting the aunty of a friend, the word for “you” is the same as the word for aunty. But the word for aunty itself changes depending on what side of the family the aunty is on (mother’s side or father’s side) and whether she’s an aunt by marriage or by blood. In English, an aunty is an aunty if she’s the sister of your mother or the sister of your father or if she’s married to the brother of your mother or father. And when talking to her directly you just call her by her name, or you call her “you” – you use “you” for all other people present in the room, whether they are aunties, uncles, kids or prime ministers. In fact you can comfortably use “you” for anything short of the furniture.

In Vietnamese however you need much more specific information about this aunty figure before you know how to address her face to face.

So in English we have: “Could you pass the salt, AUNTY KAREN?”

While in Vietnamese we have:

DÌ chuyển lọ muối giùm cháu cái?
CÔ chuyển lọ muối giùm cháu cái?
MỢ chuyển lọ muối giùm cháu cái?
THÍM chuyển lọ muối giùm cháu cái?
etc

Couldn’t get more complicated?

Minor complication: female vanity means that some of these rough rules go out the door. Vietnamese women under the age of 50 like to be called “em” (you, younger sister), even if they are obviously older than you, because it makes them feel younger.

Minor complication: when speaking to someone obviously younger than you (say you're 35 and talking to a 20 year old waiter) you can still use the pronouns relating to older people (anh, you/older brother, chị, you/older sister) to sound more polite.

Major complication: the words for “I” and “you” also differ from region to region within Vietnam. So in traveling from South to North or vice versa you have to change your approach to pronouns and pronomial social niceties.

The northerners, as in most things, are (moderately) more rational than the southerners because in the North they use proper names more often than in the South. Uncle Niên from the North, for example, is “cậu Niên” or “chú Niên” – if you’re talking to him, the word you use for “you” is “cậu” or “chú” and if you talk about him to a third party it’s the same. As long as your Western brain can assimilate the word for uncle and the guy’s name, you’ve pretty much got him picked out.

In the South pronomial pandemonium breaks out, because the Southern Vietnamese often refer to each other by a number rather than a name.

Children within a family are numbered from eldest to youngest, starting with 2. If the eldest child in a family is male, he is called anh 2, “brother 2”, if she’s female then she’s chị 2, “sister 2”, etc.

Guess who no. 1 is? Welcome to the feminist apocalypse. No. 1 is Daddy. Insidiously, no one calls him no. 1, it’s just taken as given.

Hairier and hairier. In the olden days, when Vietnamese families were often very large, some Vietnamese parents gave up giving their children personal names after a while. The number nine (“Chín”) mightn’t just be the number-marker of the eighth daughter of a large family, which she bears as well as a personal name. “Nine” might be her actual name.

So instead of knowing people’s names, in Southern Vietnam you sometimes need to know their numbers. Sometimes the number is the name. And sometimes the number will be what people use instead of the name. You might never learn someone’s real name. And s/he might not have a “real” name above and beyond a family number.

In case that’s starting to make it sound like a horrible faux pas awaits you every time you open your mouth, there are, luckily, a few ways you can make life easier for yourself, pronoun-wise, to begin with.

When talking to people you’ve never met before and are unlikely to meet again, you can stop worrying about which of the family-derived pronouns you should use and just call yourself “tôi” (formal "I"). This sounds hopelessly uptight if you keep on doing it in less formal situations, but it works ok when you’re dealing with the general public, in places like restaurants and shops. Or else you can refer to other people across the board using the all-purpose word “bạn”, meaning “friend”, or “you, the friend”. What you’ll be saying effectively isn’t “Could you pass me the salt, aunty?” but “Could you pass me the salt, my friend?” Again, it sounds a bit odd, but it’s probably better than making a complete hash of the 6 Vietnamese words for “aunty”.

Another option is to refer to yourself in the third person – which has the advantage of sounding casual and a little cute:

Mr Cam: Mrs Cúc, Cam is just going for a walk to clear Cam’s head. (Cam đi dạo thoải mái đầu óc nha chị.)
Mrs Cúc: Don’t forget to bring your raincoat, Cam. (Mang theo áo mưa đi Cam, đừng quên.)

It can take some getting used to – especially given that in Australia talking about yourself in the third person is either sign that you are having an identity crisis or have somehow turned into Kevin Rudd.

However the complexities of Vietnamese pronoun use mean that you’re going to have to do some wriggling round within your normal sense of identity anyway.

Let me say it again: expect there to be misunderstandings aplenty.


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Third palpable fact about Vietnamese as a language: 3. MOST OF VIETNAMESE COMES FROM CHINESE.

The reason the Vietnamese and the Chinese are culturally quite close to each other (in spite of occasional Vietnamese denials about this), is that Northern Vietnam, the cultural heartland, was a Chinese colony for roughly 1000 years, from 179BC to 938AD. This, understandably, had a large impact on the language. In fact, 70% of all Vietnamese words have Chinese roots.

For most of the 1000 years after Vietnam regained its independence from China, Vietnamese was written, by the tiny fraction of the population who could read and write, in a complicated script adapted from classical Chinese called “Nôm” (= “Nam”, the script of the South). 


However, anyone who was anyone in olden-day Vietnam was a master of classical Chinese as well as Vietnamese Nôm.  History, literature, as well as what passed for economic policy, were written in Chinese, not Nôm, and the style and subject-matter of poetry were cribbed from the masters of the Middle Kingdom as well.

In the Fifteenth Century popular novels started to appear in Nôm and towards the end of the Eighteenth Century there was even a move to make Nôm the official national language. But throughout most of the period from 1000 – 1850, almost all Vietnamese who in any way wanted to turn on the tone did it by writing classical Chinese. (The last Vietnamese royal dynasty, the Nguyễn, took the policy to extremes. It styled itself more Chinese than the Chinese – which itself was a complex bad joke, given that China at the time was ruled by a non-Chinese dynasty, and given that, 50 years into the reign of the Nguyễn, the French took over Vietnam, reducing the spectacle of court life to little more than a colourful sideshow.)

What happened next was interesting, if painful. Pretty much out of naked self-interest, the French dragged the Vietnamese into the modern world, both culturally and linguistically.

As well as flooding Vietnamese with scientific, technical and everyday language, contact with the French changed the structure of the Vietnamese language itself.

Firstly, French rule led the Viets to start writing Vietnamese in a new script, our very own Roman alphabet, which was several times easier to learn than either classical Chinese or Vietnamese Nôm, even with the various decorations needed to mark the tones.



Secondly, French rule led the Vietnamese to formulate the relations between the basic elements of their thoughts more clearly. Older, Chinese-influenced Vietnamese, is, as the experts say, “periodic and elaborate”; that is, it gives a lot more weight to sounding toney than to saying what you actually mean. The basic thought-particles of traditional Vietnamese sentences are often repeated twice using slightly different words and in the toniest writing of all they’re repeated twice using exactly the same number of syllables. Adding to the sprawl is the fact that the logical links between thought-particles are normally not marked by actual words. Words like “if” (nếu), “then” (thì), “but” (mà) and even “is” (là), which in most European languages are basic to the task of saying something meaningful, are implied rather than stated.

Traditional Vietnamese prose, in short, is a lot closer to poetry than Western-style prose. So if your Vietnamese ever gets really good and you try reading a Vietnamese writer from the olden days, you’ll have to get used to guessing what the basic connections between different parts of the sentence are and learn to appreciate the way ideas and images appear in permanent poetic stereo.

All this started to change though with the appearance of the French in the land. From the middle of the colonial period (early Twentieth Century), Vietnamese came to crackle with more and more of the kindling of recognizable facts and arguments – more of what a certain Frenchman once called “clear and distinct ideas”. So while nowadays new additions to Vietnamese vocabulary tend to come from English, the lasting change to the psycho-linguistic engine room was made by the French. And by local patriots who went to school with the French – Vietnamese who learned French during the colonial period because it was the first language of French Indochina, but who didn’t let contact with their colonial masters dull their appetite for kicking said colonial masters out of the country.

Where did Uncle Hồ first learn the political language of liberation from French rule? Answer: Paris.

Uncle Hồ’s writing, at its best, crackles with clear and distinct ideas in the hope of persuading his fellow countrymen of the truth of one big clear and distinct idea: that Vietnamese national dignity is not compatible with being ordered around by polished Frenchmen in safari suits.

The real victory of the Westernized version of Vietnamese with the squiggles and the hats wasn’t guaranteed by French rule itself, but by the political drive of modernising Vietnamese communism. The Vietnamese communists made eager use of Westernized Vietnamese because it was much easier to learn than classical Vietnamese and because it was a language that was highly useful for the purposes of organization and propaganda.

The moral, if you want one: the biggest events of history are also events in language. Within a few years of taking power at the end of the Second World War, Vietnam's communists had taught half the country to read and write.

One of the first orders given to the Vietnamese by the victorious revolutionary comrades in 1945 was – to learn Vietnamese!

Which, funnily enough, they turned out to be pretty good at already.

 
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None of which means that modern, Westernized Vietnamese is simply a tool for political argument or industrial development. Though the French managed to get the Vietnamese to take on board some of the precision of the factual view of the world, and the Communists used modern, Westernized Vietnamese as a tool to fight wars against two major foreign powers, the Vietnamese language still retains some of the opposite type of precision: the precision of old-style Chinese poetry.

Technically, what that means is that in Vietnamese nouns and verbs function easily as adjectives and qualifiers. Less technically, what it means is that you can plunk a small number of Vietnamese words down next to each other semi-poetically to create specific effects and meanings – the kind of thing English can normally only achieve with longer phrases, strung together with commas.

When you start really building up your Vietnamese vocabulary, you will be amazed by the number of words, few of them more than 2 syllables long, that seem to incorporate a whole sentence-full of meaning.

A typical Vietnamese street, for example, is “vui nhộn” – “happy in a riotous way”: it may be noisy, dirty and manically busy, but there is Life in it.

A Vietnamese “thằng bờm” is a figure whose face English needs 8 syllables to present to the world: a “practical-minded idiot”. (The Vietnamese, like Australians, pride themselves on their practicality. But they, or their language, can easily pick out the man who makes a pain of this mentality: a “thằng bờm” is someone whose petty pride in his own practical skills dulls his mind to all higher things.)

Or take some more everyday examples. The number of linguistic variations on the theme of telling lies and talking nonsense in Vietnamese is almost too large to count. Again, the subtle differences between the variations are something English can only capture in roundabout ways:

Nói bừa bãi – to spout a mass of confusions
Nói tào lao – to talk hot air, to talk bullshit
Nói xạo – to talk rubbish that is obviously a lie
Nói vòng veo – to talk in a deliberately circular way
Nói trổng – to liberally dispense innuendos
Nói tránh – to talk “avoidfully” (i.e. to beat around the bush)

Similarly, the genius of great Vietnamese poetry lies, in part, in its ability to fold half a universe of thought, feeling and experience into short, memorable phrases.

In the Vietnamese national epic, The Story of Kiều, a day without the woman you love takes 8 syllables to render as beautiful poetry: “một ngày đằn đẳng xem bằng ba thu”. To say the same thing  in English takes 18 syllables: “a day as dull and interminable as three autumns strung together”.

Less classically, when passing a Vietnamese guy with a large, un-Vietnamese butt, I once heard a Vietnamese girl say:

“Đít bự mà nhìn thấy sợ”

This means something like: “When I see a big butt like that, I’m scared!” (Scared in a good way.)

Why this is funny is a little difficult to explain. And explaining it will ruin it. But here goes.

It is funny because in Vietnamese the big butt comes unapologetically right at the start of the sentence. The sentence doesn’t tell us who is seeing the big butt or warm us up logically to the idea that I feel a particular type of spooky emotion on occasions when I see it (“When I see a big butt like that. . . ”), it just says “BIG BUTT!”.

A literal translation would go something like this:

“BIG BUTT but seeing it = SPOOKY STUFF”

Vietnamese abounds in these kinds of wonky thought-telegraphs, not all of them as joyously crude as this one.

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As you would when you’re learning any language in situ, in Vietnam you’ll have to cope with the differences between regional speech-patterns. Linguistically, Vietnam is divided into three basic regions (Southern, Central and Northern) and while some of each region’s special terms are known to outsiders from the other two regions, others have a strictly local usage. 

So fact no. 4 about the Vietnamese language is: VIETNAMESE FROM THE THREE DIFFERENT REGIONS HAVE DIFFERENT WORDS FOR MANY DIFFERENT THINGS, NOT JUST FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS. 

As in most countries around the world, they also have widely differing accents and a nice little palate of psycho-issues relating to them.

The standard Southern Vietnamese accent sounds to the trained Northern Vietnamese ear like a careless blend of slurs and screeches, roughly, I guess, the way broad Australian English sounds to educated British and American ears. Only where Australians turn vowels into diphthongs, the Southern Vietnamese turn consonants into vowels and yowls. In the South of Vietnam, they don’t speak “Vietnamese” (tiếng Việt), they speak “tiếng Yiệt”, “Yietnamese”. And they don’t eat “roast duck” (“vịt nướng”) they eat roast yuck (“yịt nướng”).

Northern Vietnamese is classical Vietnamese, proper Vietnamese. Like High German, it’s the language of high culture and officialdom. Like American English, it’s also the language of pop culture.

Southern Vietnamese accept that all this is true by the way.

But that doesn’t remotely make them want to change their way of speaking or learn the “proper” Northern Vietnamese way of sounding their phonemes. That is because, in the mind of many Southerners, with the Southern attitude to consonant formation comes certain powers of straight-talking which a Northerner could never possess, no matter how clearly or eloquently he speaks Vietnamese.

In the minds of Southern Vietnamese, the linguistic prowess of the Northerners is the sign of a mildly deceptive attitude to life. The North, from the point of view of Ho Chi Minh City, is most of the way to China. That is, most of the way to the home of boring, staid, double-talking, imperialistic viciousness.

From the point of view of Southern Vietnamese, the best thing that can be said about Northerners is that they stick to their guns. And turn up on time more often than they do themselves.

But the Southerner attributes to himself a warmth of character which is a whole lot better than that – a power of direct, sincere speech that makes his inability to speak “proper” Vietnamese just another upside-down sign of a virtue.

(The trump card in the whole pack by the way is the accent of Southern Vietnamese girls, which is praised as silky sweet throughout Vietnam. The singsong powers of girls from the provinces around Ho Chi Minh City are said to make Northern Vietnamese men go to water.)

Accents to one side, the basic difference between the way language is used in the North and in the South is that Northerners, across the board, are more formal and the Southerners more laid-back.

One rather good joke that does the rounds online here is that if you drop by a friend’s place in Hanoi the response will be “Would you please come in for a cup of tea”, while in Ho Chi Minh City it will be “Let me just go over to Mrs 3’s and get a bottle of Pepsi and we’ll see what we can do, ya?”

Of course, as a foreigner, you don’t have to buy into the various value judgments relating to regional linguistic usage.

But you should spare a thought in all this for the Central Vietnamese.

Southern Vietnamese people can understand and sometimes do a pretty good impersonation of a “proper” Northern accent.

A few Northerners fence off the Southern accent with their prejudices, many just accept it for what it is. And a certain percentage of Northern men dream permanently of having a girl from near the Cambodian border pour warm treacle in their ears.

In the meantime, no one “gets” the Central Vietnamese.

To anyone from the North or the South, a strong Central Vietnamese accent is literally impossible to understand. If a Southerner heads too far north on a holiday, or a northerner too far south, then s/he will start to flounder. If either of them goes to Huế, the old royal capital right in the middle of Central Vietnam, they will flounder completely.


The Cosmo Kramer theory of Italian culture – that Italian life is like an opera in which everyone sings instead of speaking – has a direct analogue in the minds of Southern and Northern Vietnamese. The speech-patterns of Vietnamese from Huế are like music to the ear; but only real buffs have any idea what Huế people are actually going on about. . .

Vietnamese stage comedies produced in Hanoi or Ho Chi Minh City, especially if they’re set in the past, often have a character from Huế who’s basically there to do a funny accent: to sound vastly poetic or vastly poofy – ultra-sophisticated, but totally incomprehensible. 



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If those are the entry-level facts about the Vietnamese language, what does it feel like to listen to and – eventually, after years of stuff-ups – speak Vietnamese?

One thing you’ll have to get used to are the final particles (“sao”, “nhỉ”, “vậy”, “hả”, “chứ”) that they tack on to the end of sentences for the sake of feeling rather than meaning. Remember, every word in Vietnamese has its own intonation. So if you want to give a special twist of emotion or irony to what you’re saying, you do it by using extra words at the end of the sentence, not by adjusting your tone.

Everyday Vietnamese, even for advanced students, can seem like a largely random intermixture of the words:

“hết” (done completely)
“chết” (dead)
“rồi” (already)
“luôn” (or “liền”, “that’s it”, “for good”)
and “Trời ơi!”

“Trời ơi” is the most translatable of these five shape-shifters and it goes at the start of sentences rather than at the end like the others. It means “Good heavens!”, or, in more modern terms, “Wow!”, “OMG!”

Sitting on a bus listening to two old Vietnamese ladies begin every single thing they say with “Trời ơi” may leave you thinking that the Vietnamese live life in a permanent state of amazement. This is not so. “Trời ơi!”, like OMG, can cue sympathy or mild annoyance or just about anything. Or just about nothing;  in everyday conversation, the meaning is more like “Now I will say something. Here goes:”

One of the interesting points about the 4 other terms on the above list is that they can actually be combined to create funny-serious expressive effects.

Tell a Vietnamese he just missed the last bus and he will say “Chết rồi!” – “Dead already” (i.e. “I’m done for”).

Seriously get on the nerves of a Vietnamese girl and she will say “Anh làm em tức chết rồi”, which literally means “You have irritated me to death already”.

Whenever I disappointed my Vietnamese ex-girlfriend or made her angry, she would say “Buồn anh luôn” or “Giận anh luôn”: “You make me sad for good,” “Now I’m going to be angry with you forever”. Similarly, whenever I messed up a simple everyday activity (e.g. couldn’t fiddle the key into the lock of my front door, etc) she would say “Đuổi việc luôn.” “Đuổi việc” means “You’re sacked.” “Đuổi việc luôn” means “You’re sacked for good.”  In Vietnamese nothing beats a mild tautology for effective everyday cuteness.

Or take the phrase “Anh Cam hiểu chết liền” which became one of my gay landlord’s standing refrains, deliberately used to crack up himself and others, after he’d just said something in colloquial Southern Vietnamese and I, predictably, had failed to understand.

On paper, “Anh Cam hiểu chết liền” just means “Mr Cam doesn’t understand.” But it means a little more than that too. It seems to pick out a specific degree or hue of Mr Cam’s inability to understand.

Literally, what the phrase says is that Mr Cam doesn’t understand permanently, or “unto death”. It doesn’t mean that Mr Cam is any kind of dunce. (I hope it didn’t mean that.) Rather, it implies that, when something got said to Mr Cam, Mr Cam went from the top to the bottom of his mental lexicon, exercised his powers to understand Vietnamese to the full, and came up with . . . nothing.

Or that’s how I’m reading what Mr Trung kept saying to me, with my level of Vietnamese where it’s at at the moment.

 
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One of the truly beautiful things about Vietnamese is that a lot of the low-level humour of the language comes from straightforward metaphors and rhyming effects which don’t seem to go stale after decades of use – unlike their English counterparts, which the passage of time has overlaid with radical scatological alternatives. Where some native English speakers nowadays manifestly think that an effective comeback is impossible unless they unleash a verbal tidal wave of piss and shit, in Vietnamese you can use a range of stock phrases to be cutting without being crude.

To say that someone is “lùn tịt như cái nấm” – as short as a mushroom – sounds naff in English, but funny in a normal way in Vietnamese. (Translated into Australian, the same person becomes a “shortarse”.)

To express the idea that someone is a bit thick, Vietnamese has the rhyming phrase “đầu to óc trái nho” – literally “big head grape brain” – which I suppose is on a par with the English “pea-sized brain” or “pea-head” (or, again, in Australian, “shit for brains”).

There’s nothing like being ripped off in Vietnamese. The phrase for this, “bị chém đẹp,” means “to have your throat cut the beautiful way”. As this will probably happen to you a fair bit when you first come to Vietnam, it’s worth knowing the Vietnamese phrase. Try it out at the market when you meet a stall-holder who’s a bit of an executioner and he’ll get the shock of his life.

A porn film in Vietnamese, which is normally called a “phim sex”, a “phim heo” (a piggy film) or a “phim nóng bỏng” (a film where nongs go boing!?!), can also be called a “phim nghèo”, literally a “poor film”. Poor people in Vietnam sometimes have large holes in their clothes. And the children of poor people sometimes don’t wear any clothes at all. Neither do the nongs who go boing in porn.

Don’t ask me why the Vietnamese word for taking selfies is also the Vietnamese word for wanking (tự sướng). Put it down as another example of language going on holiday and finding out a thing or two it never would have discovered if it’d stayed at home.

Joe Ruelle has made the point that Vietnamese men and women refer matter-of-factly to “tits”, “curves” and “arses” (“vòng 1”, “vòng 2” and “vòng 3”, literally “region 1”, “region 2” and “region 3”) in contexts where many English speakers would often use “chest”, “waist” and “backside” for the sake of decorum. Joe takes this as a sign that younger generations of Vietnamese are in some ways more upfront than Westerners when it comes to discussing the basic facts of sexual embodiment. One thing's for sure: being frank or effectively smutty doesn’t always mean saying what’s on your mind but twisting it out of shape a bit. Some metaphors are dirtier than their more literal cousins.

Which is not to say to say that sex doesn’t often disappear behind a veil of euphemism in Vietnamese. In newspapers and magazines, online and offline, sex is routinely referred to as “chuyện ấy” (literally “that story”). It is also sometimes called, in what seems like a deliberate caricature of lush Oriental poetry, “truyện trăng gió” (“that story of wind and moonlight”) or “giây phút mây mưa” (“those seconds and minutes of cloud and rain”): something which to Western ears sounds hopelessly brief and wheezy.

Silliest of all would have to be the classic euphemism for small breasts: a flat-chested woman in Vietnam has “đôi núi khiêm tốn” – “rather modest-sized double mountains”.

The exact flavour of this expression still eludes me after three years studying Vietnamese.

In English it sounds like the sort of thing that a young “maid” would say in Gilbert and Sullivan. But in Vietnamese I’m not so sure.

In Vietnam they talk about “modest double mountains” instead of “flat chests” or “small tits” not just in secondary school primers but in Cosmo Vietnam – a magazine which, like its Western equivalent, exists basically to advise Vietnamese women how to package their double mountains in a way thatwill make men drool.

In introductory history texts, you can learn that Vietnam once had a queen whose double mountains were not very modest at all. This is how the story goes: 


  1. Lady Triệu had an enormous pair of mountains.
  2. Lady Triệu became the leader of the Vietnamese nation after the Chinese bumped off her husband.
  3. Lady Triệu led an uprising against the Chinese.
  4. The uprising ended in tears.

The End

From this story we can glean two things. From 2 – 4 we can conclude that the Vietnamese don’t like the Chinese very much. From 1 we can conclude that the story is, quite possibly, apocryphal.


Because Vietnamese women in general have very modest double mountains.


Are you feeling wiser already?



 
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The old-fashioned way Vietnamese packs words together, leaving out precise indications of relative position or logical connection, comes into its own in Vietnamese proverbs. 

Proverbs the world over give a sense of the shrewdness of normal people - not just their basic sense of seriousness, but their basic sense of fun too. Above all proverbs give a sense of the powers of common language. So here are a few samples to take home with you, or, if you want to be especially clever, try out on your Vietnamese friends.


In approaching Vietnamese proverbs, forget about the shonky fortune cookie wisdom that some Westerners lap up in their search for Eastern redemption whilst in Asia. Look out instead for everyday Vietnamese phrases that smack of normality, not profundity.

No Vietnamese saying sums up the basic mentality of the Vietnamese better than the simple 4-word combination:

Chuyến đò nên nghĩa.

A rough translation would be “A ferry trip across a river is enough to start a friendship” or “A ferry trip across a river is enough to create a connection.” But the keyword here, “nghĩa”, doesn’t mean “friendship” and it means a lot more than “connection”. “Moral obligation” is a little forbidding. Whereas “debt of gratitude” makes it sound as if “nghĩa” cuts mainly one way.

The “nghĩa” being talked about needn’t just run between the recipient of a good turn and the person who does the good turn (e.g. between a ferryman and his passengers), in which case the meaning would be something like “even small favours create obligations worth repaying.”

The idea is that human contact of any sort, however fleeting, creates a little kernel of totally meaningful experience. The proverb, in short, is a perfect summation of the legendary warmth, openness and politeness of the Vietnamese heart, the casualness within formality, the lightness in heaviness, that displays itself, in very different forms, throughout Vietnamese social life.

If you like, you could also think of it as an unspoken rebuke to Western complaints about the passing of time, the thought of which commonly becomes a source of sadness or a spur to Action (life is short, seize the day, etc). To which the Vietnamese essentially say: the most fleeting contact between human beings creates a bond that can do its thing throughout a whole lifetime and beyond: so on your way across time’s moving passage – get chatting!

In the book-length installment of this series of articles, I'll talk some more about the way the Vietnamese use food as a way of talking about everything. For the time being though, here's my favourite food related proverb:

Bưởi chua có muối mặn.

“Bưởi chua” means a sour grapefruit. “Muối mặn” means salty salt. Sourness and saltiness here are both bywords for shrewdness – the sort of morally unpretentious attitude to life that a lot of people think gives them the edge over pretty much everyone else in the world.

So the idea is – no matter how salty your attitude to life is, there’s always someone who’s got a saltier approach.

Along similar lines, there is:

“Vỏ quýt dày có móng tay nhọng”. For every thick-skinned mandarin there are a sharp enough set of fingernails: no one is invulnerable to the world around him - an expert set of claws is all you need to penetrate the toughest hide.

Along different lines, there is the classic Vietnamese image of a futile struggle with authority:

“Con kiến mà kiện củ khoai.” (The ant who starts a law-suit with a potato.)

Or take a Vietnamese proverb with just a light taste of fortune cookie to it:

Trời sinh voi trời sinh cỏ. (Heaven sends elephants, heaven sends grass.)

I have asked several Vietnamese friends what this means and I am yet to get a straight answer. The elephants, according to some, refer to a large family, which is a heavy burden, while the grass signifies having enough food to feed a large family. If that’s right, then the meaning would be something like “Heaven will provide, even if you’re not into family planning” or “A large family is a great burden which is worth bearing and which can be born because the bounty of Heaven/Nature is also great.”

But really it could mean anything.

I have heard it used to mean “pessimism and optimism are both handy in their way.”

I have also heard it used to mean “Heaven sends good and bad alike.”

But which is the good and which is the bad?

Does Heaven send elephants to chew peacefully on the grass or to trample it?

Are said elephants, appearing literally from out of the blue, something to welcome or something to worry about? Elephants are strong, rare and intelligent, but wild ones in Vietnam often get nasty, in which case they’re a handful.

What about the grass? Is it fresh, green, beautiful grass? Are we talking lawn here?

But grass could also be food for stupid sheep, in which case bring on the elephants. . .

In the end it doesn’t really matter what it means. It can mean whatever you want it to mean, no matter what it means to the Vietnamese.

To wind up, here is a small handful of other Vietnamese proverbs which you can use to sound knowledgeable and wise.

On class and character:

Giàu sáng mà tham lam, nàn nghèo mà hào phóng. (Rich but grasping, poor but liberal.)

Romantic fatalism:

Ép dầu ép mỡ ai nỡ ép duyên. (You can get oil from a bean, but you can't charm eternity.)

Knowledge and self-knowledge:

Biết người biết ta. (He who understands people understands himself.)

Truth and humour:

Đùa mà thiệt, thiệt mà đùa. (The joke’s the truth, the truth’s the joke.)

Wives, your own and others':

Vợ đẹp là vờ của người ta.  (A beautiful wife is everyone’s wife – so watch out. Or: Other men’s wives always seem more beautiful than your own – so watch how you see her.)

Last of all, something to get into perspective all of the romantic kitsch you're going to be seeing in Vietnam:

Yêu thì khổ mà không yêu thì lỗ. (With love in your life, you’re miserable, but without it you feel like you’re missing out.)


Footnote: Love and Pronouns

While we're on the subject of love . . . In the olden days, when Vietnamese talked to their dearly beloveds, the words for “I” and “you” were “chàng/nàng” “ta/thiếp” – men called themselves “chàng” or “ta” and their wives “nàng” or “thiếp” and vice versa.

Both pairs of pronouns, it has to be said, are completely devoid of the mystique of older European terms for lovers and spouses, which usually filtered down into the body of society from aristocratic circles, with their elaborate cults of love. The first pair (chàng/nàng) sounds solidly rural: “chàng” literally means something like “stout fellow”, and “nàng” means “maid”. The second pair (ta/thiếp) has a distinctly chauvinist undertone: as well as being a word for a woman in the context of an intimate relationship, “thiếp” is also the old word for a concubine, while its masculine counterpart, “ta”, is the term a feudal lord would have used when talking to his underlings.The master/servant relationship is not very far in the background of certain Vietnamese words form male and female, I and you.

When the French ruled Vietnam, upper class Vietnamese took to calling each other “moa” and “toa” in imitation of the French “moi” and “toi”. The colonial rulers I guess must have found this cringe-worthy, given that the most common French words for “I” and “you” are “je” and “tu”. “Moa” and “toa” have the logical advantage of creating consistent words for “I” and “you” which don’t need to be tailored to age or social status. They have the practical disadvantage of going against the grain of French grammar, and so sound pretentious and clunky.

By contrast, younger generations of Twenty First Century Vietnamese use “tao” and “mày” to refer to “I” and “you” in the context of a love-relationship or a close friendship. When talking to her boyfriend, or the girls in her immediate circle of friends, a Vietnamese 23 year old will call herself “tao” and them “mày”; boys do likewise with girls they know well and with mates. Overcoming the habits of deference to age and status is probably only a small part of the point here though. The attraction of “tao” and “mày” is simply that they sound friendly and informal.

The normal way that young Vietnamese girls and boys handle the issue of love and pronouns is that boys call their girlfriends “em” (younger sister) and themselves “anh” (older brother), while the girl does the same, using “em” for herself and “anh” for her man; they reserve the casual terms for “I” and “you” (“tao” and “mày”) for use among friends. To add a sprinkle of sugar, “anh” becomes “anh yêu” (you, darling) and “em” becomes “em yêu” (you, darling). Or rather, it becomes this in Hanoi. In Ho Chi Minh City, forward-looking place that it is, you don’t call your darling (female) “em yêu”, you call her “bà xã” (“old woman”), and she calls you her “ông xã” (“old man”).

The Vietnamese word for “love”, "yêu", which you possibly just met for the first time, sounds like the English word “Eeeuw!”, as in “Yuk!”.

Ask a normal Vietnamese girl what her favourite word in the Vietnamese language is and she will probably tell you it is “yêu”. (Some people would never have fallen in “eeeuw” if they had never heard of “eeeuw”, etc)

And for the record, a hooker propositioning a guy on a Hanoi street-corner appeals to the bogan bad boy in him by asking “Chơi gái không đại ca?” (“Want to come out to play, big boss?”). On a Ho Chi Minh City street-corner, the same girl appeals to Southern family values: “Anh hai có xài em hông?” (Does brother 2 have money to spend on me, huh?)

Or so the joke goes.


Tuesday, January 12, 2016

15 Things about Vietnam #14 - The Chinese

The Vietnamese are deeply suspicious of the Chinese. Though no single country has influenced Vietnamese culture more than China, to suggest that the Vietnamese and the Chinese are basically similar or the same is one of the biggest faux pas you can make while in Vietnam.

To say that the Vietnamese and the Chinese have history - in the sense of having a well-known propensity to spar, scrap and generally hurt each other's feelings - would be an understatement. 

So here is the rough history. This will take about 10 hours, so if you find history a dull subject, feel free to have a break for today and come back later in the week for the last installment in this series.
  
The history lesson. So. The reason the Vietnamese and the Chinese are culturally quite close is that the Vietnamese cultural heartland in the area around Hanoi was a Chinese colony from roughly 120BC to 940AD. And because, once the Vietnamese finally kicked the Chinese out, they did something a little strange: they become more Chinese than they already were before.

The 1000 or so years that the Vietnamese spent under the Chinese thumb are what set up a solid foundation for a further 1000 years of hatred and resentment. As a Chinese colony, Vietnam paid lavish tribute to the Chinese Emperor: cartloads of silk, ivory, mother of pearl and sandalwood disappeared over Vietnam's northern border, and the wider population was forced to do strenuous amounts of unpaid labour for the general enrichment of the Middle Kingdom. Vietnamese rebellions against this state of affairs started as early as the first century AD and they are celebrated down to this day as heroic steps on the road to True Vietnamese Nationhood.



But beneath the surface - indeed on the surface a lot of the time - a huge amount of borrowing was going on; even though the Chinese ruled Vietnam ruthlessly for their own benefit, the locals didn't straightforwardly repudiate Chinese ways, they adapted to them and in many cases made them their own. Not the least of the cultural imports was Confucianism and the thing to remember about it, if you want to get your head around its influence in Asian history, is that it has gone through a series of slow transformations, starting out, in Confucius's day, as a kind of minority report on the ethics and politics of feudal China, slowly becoming a consistent body of philosophical ideas, then a blueprint to run a sophisticated feudal society, in the end becoming something close to a religion, with a lightly emphasized cult of Confucius and a heavily emphasized cult of classical Confucian texts.

Essentially it was in these last two forms that Confucianism arrived in Vietnam, along with Han Dynasty troops, who occupied the greater part of the Vietnamese cultural heartland in the Second Century BC. 


Han Emperors sent various officials, schooled in Confucian ways, to govern their fractious new dominion. Over the years, a range of Confucian institutions worked their way into the Vietnamese system. Full-blown Chinese ancestor worship became a normal part of Vietnamese life. The beautiful, elaborate regulation of works and days by customary ritual, which Confucius himself had perfected back in the Fifth Century BC, took on Vietnamese form. Plus there was the language: 70% of Vietnamese words come from Chinese and it was during Vietnam's days as a Chinese colony that the main work of linguistic assimilation took place.

A second rather large import was Buddhism, which again seems to have reached Vietnam from China, rather than its Indian heartland. After the Third Century AD, pagodas became normal features of Vietnamese villages and in them the Vietnamese gave Buddhism a warm-hearted Vietnamese twist. Monks read their scriptures in Chinese and took their general lead from the main movements in Chinese Buddhism, like Zen. The wider population accepted the Chinese forms and got on worshiping what they liked. To become truly popular in Vietnam, Buddhism adapted itself to the cults of various gods, spirits and natural powers that the Vietnamese had already been worshiping for untold ages.

 
For better and for worse, Chinese influence didn't let up though, even once the Vietnamese regained their independence in 938AD. Every couple of 100 years, new Chinese invasions were launched and promptly beaten back - at the cost of vast numbers of human lives. In the Eleventh Century, the Sung Dynasty tried its luck, in the Thirteenth Century the charge was led by the well-known right-wing dynasty of the Mongols, led by Donald Trump. However, the kernel of the grudge that the Vietnamese bear the Chinese down to today probably lies in the occupation of Vietnamese territory by Ming Dynasty troops between 1407 and 1427 - an episode that saw the wanton destruction of most of Vietnam's previous high culture, stored neatly in the Royal Citadel in Hanoi and torched by marauding Ming troops.

All the invasions did something to define Vietnam's cultural identity in anti-Chinese terms. The Vietnamese victors of battles against the Chinese formed the basic pantheon of national gods and culture heroes. At an even more basic level, the whole place turned itself into a wildly tough fighting force capable of subordinating pretty much all individual desire to the needs of collective self-defense. Historical irony no.1: The collective consciousness which the Vietnamese think of as a distinctively national trait has two historical bases, both of which are deeply related to China: a positive base in Confucian ideas about the individual's duty to family and society, and a negative base in Chinese bastardry towards its southern neighbour. Countries are made to stick together as countries in funny ways. In Vietnam it was a deep undercurrent of Chinese ideas and an overwhelming amount of Chinese nastiness that did the trick.

Probably the most counter-intuitive response to the threat of Chinese invasion was the decision on the part of Vietnam's own Lê Dynasty (1428 - 1788) to set up a thoroughly Chinese system of government and education, after the Ming ran amok in the early 1400's. Effectively, a new Chinese strand was grafted onto Vietnamese history, in the generation or two after the rout in Hanoi; from 1463 the selection process for all government jobs in Vietnam was rigorously based on knowledge of the Chinese classics, tested in national exam competitions every three years. The watchword of the great Confucian emperor, Lê Thánh Tông, was that government should be the preserve of men of noble character, not men of noble birth - well-educated men steeped in Confucian notions of ritual and responsibility and capable, if called on, to improvise a drily beautiful poem or two. (As a virtuous Confucian, women, either of noble or not so noble character, were of little interest to him.) 


The immediate effect was to raise the prestige of Chinese high culture to new heights. From the time of the Lê reforms, anyone (anyone male at least) who wanted to share in the responsibilities or profits of government also had to be a master of the Chinese language, together with the general arts of life associated with it.

In fact you could say that many of the elements that the Vietnamese think of as constituting "Vietnameseness" only came together at the time of the Lê Dynasty's turn towards China. The "traditional" Vietnamese respect for learning only became traditional under the impact of Chinese ideals of scholarship. The political cohesion of the country was solidified as a centralized bureaucracy modeled on Chinese lines came into existence. In the end, even the struggles of ordinary Vietnamese against the injustices of the system got a boost from - the system itself. While Chinese-style scholars who successfully landed government jobs tended to use their hard-earned privileges to grind the noses of poor rice farmers, other Confucians lived much closer to the people. There were Confucians who retired to their home villages once their work in government was done. There were Confucians who taught in their home villages all their lives after failing to get a government job in the first place. Both types of outsiders encouraged the broader masses in their struggles with royal authority in the decades and centuries that followed, as the initial Confucian idealism of Lê Thánh Tông slowly dissipated.

In the long term, a nice little amalgam of Chinese and native Vietnamese culture came into existence. The formal rules that regulated daily life, which Confucianism had issued by the 1000, were adapted or abandoned in line with average-everyday Vietnamese common sense. The prudery of official Confucianism was set aside in lusty village festivals (and is still there to see in the artwork on display in old-fashioned Vietnamese villages).


The patriarchal emphasis of official Confucianism was infused with some authentic, Vietnamese-style mummy worship. The cult of ancestors, which in the Chinese tradition is basically a duty on the part of male descendants to pay homage to male forefathers, in the Vietnamese tradition was renovated, with male and female ancestors honoured equally at the family's ancestral altar.


After another Chinese invasion in the Eighteenth Century, Vietnam's feudal monarchy was in fact overthrown and the country's new rulers briefly looked set to modernize the place along authentic non-Chinese lines. This time, Chinese-style conservatives won the day and Vietnam's last royal dynasty, the Nguyễn, established itself on the throne. (The reason so many Vietnamese share the family name "Nguyễn" dates from this era of Vietnamese history. The Nguyễn clan had long provided the Southern parts of Vietnam with a caste of feudal overlords. Essentially, once the overlords of the South became the new ruling clan throughout the land, they ordered masses of their new subjects to take the clan name, giving rise to a top-down naming system whose effects persist to this day.)

With the rise of the Nguyễn, the stuffy side of Vietnam's Chinese heritage asserted itself; having ascended to royal power, Vietnam's new masters styled themselves more Chinese than the Chinese themselves - which itself was a complex bad joke, given that China at the time was ruled by a non-Chinese dynasty, intent on wrapping itself in the now heavy cloak of Chinese tradition. Major historical irony number 2.

Strict adherence to traditional Chinese forms got Vietnam exactly nowhere. The Nguyễn's traditionalism, just like that of their models in Peking, left them ill-equipped, both mentally and materially, to confront the challenges posed by a new set of invaders from the outside: Westerners armed with weapons, drugs and a hard-nosed attitude to getting their own way. Here was a force that was more powerful and far more foreign - both to the Chinese and the Vietnamese - than any army that had swept across their respective northern borders down the centuries. While Western intervention in China fueled Civil Wars that were still being fought in the middle of the Twentieth Century, in the case of Vietnam the result was out and out occupation. By the end of the Nineteenth Century, French colonists had systematically performed two feats. First, they had divided Vietnam into three, ruling the South as an out-and-out colony and Central and Northern Vietnam as "allied dependencies". Secondly, they had reduced the great Chinese spectacle of the Nguyễn monarchy to a colourful sideshow, which is what it remains (with a bit of help from the tourist industry) pretty much down to today:

As far as more recent attitudes to China go, parts of Vietnam's communist establishment seem at times quite close to recognizing that the age-old Vietnamese grudge against the Chinese is hardly a simple matter. School primers still tend to present the Chinese as the eternal aggressor and communist orthodoxy tends to reinforce this with simple moral tales about the injustice of the total social-political system imported from the Middle Kingdom: Chinese influence on Vietnam tends to get lumped together in a black and white volume entitled "the evils of feudalism". Over the past 25 years, more open-minded historians have taken the liberty to fill out the story - in particular to show how local Confucians were a diverse bunch who at times played the part of country intellectuals, shaping, or even leading, the struggles of ordinary Vietnamese against the venal agents of feudal authority. 

In fact one of the more interesting ways Vietnam's Chinese heritage has begun to be read during the past 25 years of tentative liberalization is through a combination of Marx and Confucius.

To explain how this works would take another 10 hours, so I'll spare you the details. But the rough idea is to downplay orthodox Confucian ideas about fixed social roles and the duty of absolute obedience owed to rulers and instead take the Confucian idea of humaneness, teasing out of it an acknowledgement of the basis of political rule in the hearts and aspirations of the people.

Obviously it'd be a pretty steep task to discover in Vietnam's Chinese heritage a full-blown notion of legitimate government of the people by the people. But Vietnam's Communist masters, in their own cramped way, know they have to add some of the lessons of Confucius and Mencius to the more familiar strictures of Marx and Lenin. The task of ruling Vietnam, and of keeping themselves firmly positioned on the once plush seat of state, depends crucially on responding - not just to contradictory expectations emanating from Beijing and Washington, but to the average Vietnamese sense of what it means to live in a dynamic, but rapidly fragmenting, social world.

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Not that China and Vietnam are particularly at peace now that the positive side of Vietnam's Chinese heritage has been given some degree of official recognition. Chinese raids into Vietnamese territory started all over again in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century, virtually from the time China began its current rise to global power. Nowadays, fear of further Chinese aggression is kept on permanent low heat by Vietnamese media sources ever-fond of a patriotic story. And of course it is heavily fueled by the Chinese, who are intent on projecting power in cultural, economic and military terms now that they produce half the goods, and own half the debt, of the entire world.

You might have thought the well-known war the Vietnamese fought against America between 1963 and 1975, with substantial Chinese assistance, might have helped to keep a lid on old-fashioned tensions between the two neighbours. Surely the project of building socialism together, and defending it against the aggression of American "imperialists", was enough to make the age-old enemies work together?  Unfortunately, minor differences of opinion are sometimes as good as actual wars to get people or nations at each other's throats again. And it was just such a muddle of strategic and ideological differences that again turned the Vietnamese against the Chinese in the 70's, after a mere 20 years of communist brotherhood.

Towards the end of the Vietnam War, Chairman Mao started seriously negotiating with the Americans, in a bid to win an unlikely ally in another weird, nasty ideological struggle (between Communist China and the Soviet Union). Mao in fact favoured a two-state solution to the conflict in Vietnam and if he'd had his way the North Vietnamese effort to boot out the Americans and unify the country would've been rendered entirely meaningless - Vietnam, like Korea, might have remained divided in two down to this day. Understandably, the North Vietnamese leadership in Hanoi were upset. 

However, relations between Beijing and Hanoi really went sour after the end of The War, once the North Vietnamese had stitched up their victory over the American-backed government of the South. In the years prior to 1975, Mao had been the main patron of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, who, when they came to power, proceeded to turn the entire country into an enormous death camp and then launch raids across Cambodia's border with Southern Vietnam, killing miserable Vietnamese rice farmers by the thousand.

In the meantime, the Vietnamese were doing their fair share of shooting and smiting. In the South of Vietnam, hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese of ethnic Chinese origin were on the receiving end of a not very bright idea: to liberate the accumulated capital of the Chinese business community in South Vietnam - straight into the coffers of the new Communist government. Large numbers of the Chinese population of Saigon (soon to be renamed Ho Chi Minh City) were sent back to China and many of the rest fled the country. Ethnic Chinese Vietnamese made up a large percentage of the boat people who were soon fleeing South Vietnam in droves. Those who remained were often forcibly resettled in the Southern countryside. Many ethnic Chinese had been small traders in and around Saigon's Chinatown (Chợ Lớn) for generations. With little or no skills growing subsistence crops in wild jungle places, many came close to starvation in the years immediately following the war.

The new Communist government's decision to expropriate the riches of Chinese Vietnamese after 1975 might have been a social disaster. What the new government did to stop the raids across the Cambodian border was an unprecedented good; it marched the Vietnamese army straight into Phnom Penh and kicked out the Khmer Rouge, who by 1978 had managed to slaughter 2 million Cambodians in the name of their special Chinese version of communism. However, the episode was a disaster for Chinese-Vietnamese relations. By 1979, China's Deng Xiaoping had decided that the Vietnamese needed to be "taught a lesson" for kicking out China's mob in Phnom Penh. So a six-week war was launched, Chinese troops occupied several towns on the Vietnamese side of the Chinese-Vietnamese border, only to be beaten back by battle-hardened troops, fresh from fighting the Americans, the Cambodians and just about everyone else.

The Chinese claimed the mess as a strategic victory. The Vietnamese noted with some pride that this time the invaders from the north hadn't made it more than 50km into Vietnamese territory. Neither side pointed very frankly to the hundreds of thousands of Chinese and Vietnamese killed in Deng's extravagant pedagogical set-piece.

That brings us almost to the present day, when numerous minor and medium-sized grievances still simmer away.

The dispute that gets the most coverage is over a series of tiny islands in the South China Sea that are claimed by both countries. For China the dispute seems to be partly about mineral riches, partly about geopolitical strategy: a third of the world's shipping passes between Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines on its way to ports in Northern Asia and having military control of sea-routes is definitely on the map of China's path to global power. For the Vietnamese, the dispute is mainly about national pride. Naturally enough, they consider it highly provocative when the Chinese build military bases on what are in essence fortified sand banks.

 
And they find it downright offensive that China claims sovereignty over the sea pretty much right up to the Vietnamese coastline, as the notorious Chinese 9-dash map of the region makes plain:  


Even mentioning the "South China Sea" in Vietnam could land you in a bit of trouble. Many Vietnamese won't know what you're talking about and some of the ones who do will be riled by the word "China" in the English designator for the relevant body of water. Calling it the "South China Sea" in some sense gives credibility to Chinese claims. In Vietnam it's called the"Biển Đông" (East Sea) - presumably because it is to the east of the impish, dragon-shaped nation whose belly sticks out into the deep aquamarine in a way richly suggestive of property rights.  

If Vietnamese suspicions about Chinese geopolitical strategy are well-founded, then the suspicion that the Chinese are intentionally setting out to poison Vietnamese kiddies seems slightly overblown. There can be no doubt that a certain quantity of deadly Chinese chemicals ends up in Vietnamese food, and in some of the other products flowing across the Vietnamese-Chinese border in great profusion. But Vietnamese patriots have blown this up into a systematic plan to kill, or at least seriously enervate, the Vietnamese body-politic; the reality, I suspect, is that the dangerous chemicals moving southwards over the border into Vietnam are in equally wide circulation in China.

True, Chinese factories might be producing coffee-substitutes laced with lead and other toxins and trucking them across the border into Vietnam. But greed alone is what prompts Vietnamese coffee vendors to buy the stuff and sell it on the street. One plastic tank apparently makes 400 cups of a saleable, coffee-related product. And creates dozens of new cases of cancer. Yum.


A little less nutty, but still in the realm of uncontrolled suspicion, is the idea that crafty Chinese farming conglomerates are deliberately driving honest Vietnamese primary producers out of business. Again, there's a kernel of truth to this. Yes, large, credit-rich Chinese farms do produce large, cheap, chemically enhanced fruit and vegetables which flood the Vietnamese market, making it harder and harder for small-scale Vietnamese growers to get by. And, yes, there do seem to be Chinese business operatives at work in various upcountry places in Vietnam, buying up supplies of subsistence products and selling them back to locals at an extravagant mark-up in what is essentially an elaborate con. However, the grim reality of what is going on most of the time is probably not that of systematic Chinese evil-doing, but the simple fact of hard-nosed economic competition across borders. And here's the thing. Economic competition across borders is something that China and Vietnam have both signed up to in a very big way in recent decades.

If dodgy chemicals and toxic economic competition are controversial enough, then there's the whole issue of the Mekong, which is the life-blood of the economy, indeed the life-blood of society itself, in the south of Vietnam. Unfortunately for the Vietnamese, the Mekong has its source - do you know where? In Laos and Cambodia (firm Chinese allies) and in China's ("China's"?) Tibetan highlands. And what have Chinese investment banks been encouraging the Laotians and Cambodians to do with merry abandon in the upper reaches of the Mekong in recent times? Exactly what the Chinese have been doing to most of China's rivers: damming them as fast as they can to supply the region's growing power needs, and in the process reducing water flows to Vietnam's "rice-basket" in the Southern lowlands.

Though tensions have been managed diplomatically so far, the long-term potential for conflict over the issue is palpable. The Vietnamese already have a sense that the Chinese have their hands around the nation's proverbial jugular. The fact that the Chinese and their allies have control over half the country's water supply is only bound to inflame it. In the long-term, reduced water-flow has the potential to turn the Lower Mekong, home to 20 million people and the source of 90% of Vietnam's rice, into little more than a searing, salt-logged plain.

No doubt about it, the uncontrolled suspicion and awkward messages directed at the Chinese from the Vietnamese lowlands look set to keep on coming:

 
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If the similarities and common interests between Vietnam and China are masked by historical aggression and modern-day suspicion, what can we say does genuinely distinguish the Vietnamese and the Chinese?

The first thing the Vietnamese themselves would point to if you asked them this question would be the last thing to strike a Western visitor to Vietnam: the Vietnamese and the Chinese, according to the Vietnamese at least, look quite different.

Of course, you'd expect the Vietnamese to claim that Vietnamese women are more distinctive (more beautiful) than Chinese women. What they'd also tell you is that Chinese eyes are smaller and narrower, Chinese faces flatter and rounder and Chinese general features somehow not as fine - all of which does make it roughly possible for Vietnamese to tell Vietnamese and Chinese faces apart at least some of the time. (Chinese lips are supposedly not as full as Vietnamese lips and, as the local proverb goes, "thin lips tell lies".)


Is it true that the Vietnamese think a bit differently to the Chinese? It would be silly to take Vietnamese self-stylization at face value, though it's true that clichés about national character do have real world effects - normal people adjust the way they think and behave to fit in with fixed ideas about the way members of their own clan normally think and behave, and how they're different from their neighbours. It's a kind of trick of psychological perspective. And one that certainly seems to be in play a fair bit on the south side of the Chinese-Vietnamese border.

The Vietnamese, across the board, think of themselves as pluckier and tougher than the Chinese - something they put down, in large part, to having been invaded by their northern neighbours so many times down the centuries.

The further south you go in Vietnam, the more you'll hear it claimed that the Vietnamese are better at enjoying themselves than the Chinese. Vietnamese, it is true, are willing to credit the Chinese with having a more ancient or refined culture than their own. The downside is that the Chinese are supposed to be more boring and staid; where a "typical" Vietnamese will speak his heart or throw a spontaneous party, a "typical" Chinese will (in the Vietnamese mind) stand on ceremony.

In my experience, Vietnamese, across the board, are in fact more accommodating towards foreigners, a little more eager to please; they're interested in what the rest of the world thinks of Vietnam, where the Chinese are indifferent, or maybe just too busy to care. Turn up in Vietnam speaking half-decent Vietnamese and people will really make a fuss of you; even if you can just pronounce half a dozen simple phrases, you'll make quite a few locals deliriously happy. In China, try the same party trick and you will be greeted, at best, with a certain wry smile.

In business and politics, the Chinese are supposed to be coldly calculating, in both the short and the very, very long term. The Vietnamese (again on their own account) could never be like that; like Australians, they're attached to the sorts of ideas of informal mateship that do the rounds of little nations which think of themselves as made up mainly of good, little people. A typical Vietnamese, on this picture, could never play his cards close to his chest or pretend that nothing is happening for years on end, the way Chinese businessmen and government officials do: striking up friendships and making the general warmth of Vietnamese existence flow out in all directions are much too important for that.

Or such roughly are the fixed ideas the Vietnamese have about the Chinese. The key point being that there is no corresponding set of fixed ideas about the Vietnamese entertained by anyone in China. The Chinese of course have their stereotypes and clichés, their historical and cultural sore points, and their blind spots, about other nations and the wider world. But one of the benefits of being the most populous nation on earth with a 5000 year history is that you are spared little-nation anxieties about the really big nations in your neighbourhood of the world. This brings us to inter-cultural irony number 3. The Chinese just don't pay the Vietnamese as much attention as the Vietnamese pay them.


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Your lesson for today: when in Vietnam, whatever you do, don't tell Vietnamese people that, as far as you can see, they're basically Chinese with a twist.

Remember that nowadays being a normal, patriotic Vietnamese person, who's proud of his country's culture and its successes fighting painful defensive wars, means being a little bit anti-Chinese.

If it's the younger generation of Vietnamese you're mixing with, note that being young and hip in today's Vietnam means idolizing Korean boybands, imitating Korean hairdos, reading Japanese manga and infusing your life with a bit of pop cultural edginess from a range of Asian and Western sources.

Vietnamese teenagers might spend days (or years) playing Chinese martial arts games on their computers and quite a few Vietnamese oldies are addicted to the historical soap operas that are churned out by studios in Shanghai and Hong Kong by the bucketful. However neither the games nor the soaps have any noticeable effect on wider culture or mentality. While masses of Vietnamese learn Korean or head to Japan for work, and eventually make it back to Vietnam with a range of Korean or Japanese ideas in their heads, the number who orient themselves towards China is vanishingly small: a minority in the military-political establishment, plus the realists in the economics and business fraternity, who know well enough where most Vietnamese supply chains start out from.  

Ask a bunch of Vietnamese teenagers what their nation's primary cultural symbols are and they'll probably tell you something about the lotus. Ask them what the lotus stands for and they won't mention the Buddhist idea of tranquil beauty, they'll tell you about Vietnam Airlines.


Try digging a little deeper - and the brighter ones will tell you that red is the traditional Vietnamese colour of marriage, bamboo the traditional Vietnamese symbol of unity and the dragon the traditional symbol of Vietnamese power and prosperity.

 
Now ask them where these key cultural signifiers come from and their eyes will widen and one or two of the boys will let out a confused roar: China! At which point some of them will start booing and some of the others start muttering in an undertone.

Optimistic inhabitants of a globalized culture world that they are, young Vietnamese might say they'd be happy to see all the old Chinese stuff that belongs to Vietnam's past disappear into the dustbin of history.  

But the ones doing the muttering perhaps see it differently. They know, or rather they feel in their bones, that by pulling up the roots of Vietnam's Chinese culture, they'd in a sense be abolishing Vietnam itself.

Irony no. 4, the biggest of them all, one that applies equally to history and culture and individual psychology: there's nothing more awkward than the effort to escape something that has always been a part of yourself, and often one of the deepest parts, the way China is part of Vietnam.